Forming Strategic Alliances with Foreign Companies Research Paper

Forming Strategic Alliances with Foreign Companies - Research Paper Example The domestic company involved does such things because they have the perceptions that entering the world market will increase their sale, it will supplement the capital it needs and that it will fasten the process of adaptation to the environment of the market. The above factors cause a domestic company to respond to its situation by establishing joint ventures that will enhance their business operations in the international markets. Many advantages drive domestic companies to forge strategic alliances that will help them to exploit both the domestic and international markets. Domestic companies perceive a situation in which strategic alliances enhances the entry into the international market. This perception is because the company spends less amount of money to transport products and services as well as to enhance customers to the market. In having a company that is exposed to the international market environment, a domestic company is able to establish customers using those of its partner in the strategic alliance. These customers ensure that the domestic company has footage in the international market and therefore, it increases the changes of increasing its sales (Heidtmann, 2011). Domestic companies forge strategic alliances in order to exploit international market because there is a shared risk in the investment. Sharing of risks in a business venture ensures that one company does not lose it all to the venture that it has entered and therefore, it is able to sustain its operation in the market for a long time. In many instances, the companies that forge strategic alliances invest a lot of money to establish business operation in the international market through advertisement, transports of products and human... Forming Strategic Alliances with Foreign Companies This challenge means that these local companies focus on the alternatives they have so that they can establish their businesses at the world level. In many cases, local companies forge strategic alliances with foreign companies that are already established in the international business so that they can present their products in the global market with ease (Henry, 2008). These local companies have perceptions that the venture into which they enter are beneficial and they will facilitate the individual company to make higher sales than they did with local markets. However, there are many risks that are associated with strategic alliances that companies that forge them need to understand and learn the ways to manage them so that they will not fail in business (Oxley, 2013). An analysis of strategic alliances will exposes the factors that drive domestic companies to desire to forge them as well as show the risks and disadvantages associated with these ventures that may cause the partners to fail. Richter and Pahl (2009) observe that in forging strategic alliances, there are things that drive domestic companies to want to come into partnership. There are numerous perceived incentives that drive partners in strategic alliances to come into a joint venture. However, although there are possible benefits in entering the world market as an alliance; partners need to establish their business operations with a focus on the potential risks that need to be controlled to reduce the probability of failure.

W8 Supplemental DQ 1 @ DQ2 Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

W8 Supplemental DQ 1 @ DQ2 - Case Study Example Since the effect of the software AOL 5.0 was not to cause physical damage but to affect other programmes which inadvertently led to the malfunctioning of the computers, the damages can not be considered under tort but economic loss for which they actually are (Scheb & John, 2011). By using the defective goods, the consumers suffer economic loss especially in the case where life is lost. This should be taken care of. The rule therefore discourages such a suit which actually should its responsibility because the person injured in this case, though not having any contract with the contractor, has suffered economic losses as a result of the contractor’s attempts to fulfill his contractual obligations. It is the responsible of America to provide quality medicine at affordable costs to its citizens. With the available human and technological resources within America, it is possible to provide the medicine to the citizens at the low costs without looking forward to other countries. This is possible through a better medical plan to cover the citizens against all kind of medical conditions. Since the patients are insured, they should not bargain for the pay of the hospital bills by the insurance firms (Adams, 2003). The insurance covers their illness to the point of all these illness and being forced to pay additional amounts for such insurance will mean limiting the extent of the insurance to only minor illness. It is clear that the serious or long illnesses if not terminal illness will incur economic loss to the person and so the economic loss rule can be an avenue to sue for such losses so that the firms, with whom they have insurance contract will pay for the damages (Davis, 2010) . The government should ensure, through appropriate legislations that insurance companies pay the bills for the clients in order to make the cost of medication cheap and affordable and avoid situations where clients have to bargain for such bills to be paid. Adams, C.. (2003).

Japanese Policing Is Illustrated Criminology Essay

Japanese Policing Is Illustrated Criminology Essay Following the establishment of the London metropolitan police by Sir Robert Peel in 1829, the arrangement of police forces throughout the country was a cumulative process, with each anew local police force operating according to the needs of individual communities they served. Hence, policing was part of the self-directed process insofar as was it was proposed to reflect the needs of the public. In that history, the roots of English policing lay in a particular functionary. The principles of community oriented policing in Britain in addition to several important aspects of its practice e.g. neighbourhood patrols can be traced to the creation of professional policing in the nineteenth century and the ways in which the police mandate was established. Early authors of British policing such as Peel established the notion that effective policing can only be attained with the consent of the community. Established in 1829, The Peelian Principles currently are applicable and used in law enforcement agencies and community policing organizations across the world today. The principles preserve the notion of policing by consent which has been at the core of British policing since. The second and third principles state that the police would not be able to operate without the active co-operation of the community (ACPO 2012). Community policing involves and is seemingly justified as necessary by the Peelian Principles stated above. This remains the case, but the diffi culties facing communities alongside the police have altered over time. In the Peelian model, found in Britain, the police are less pervasive of community than their authoritarian counterparts and, while it is accepted that they do perform an array of servicing tasks, police organizations are more generally equipped towards emergency response and law enforcement than routine intervention in neighbourhood life. In Eastern organisations such as Japan, argues Bayley (1982, police are used as an important element in social control, but in contrast with the other two models, tends to maintain order through harnessing the forces of informal social control. Rather than the use of robust and legal authority, they cultivate community involvement in crime control through extensive, service-style interactions with the community by example and persuasion allowing them to become an integrated part of the Japanese community in which they can regularly advise, engage and mediate functions (Bayley 1976). This conforms systematically to the ideal of the koban In western models of community policing the main function of the police is to maintain order, and where the citizen commonly fails to recognise the legitimacy of the state and its agents, the police. In such societies, the police may carry out a range of administrative tasks on behalf of the state, but rarely provide a public service that addresses the needs of the community. In comparison, a community-oriented system like Japan is one where the main function of the police is to provide a public service that addresses the wider needs of the community as distinguished by the Koban and Chuzaisho. The emphasis here is more on crime as indicative of community problems as an affront to authority. Such a model adopts that the police are afforded considerable legitimacy by local communities. Community policing elements in UK are, for example, incorporated in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. It facilitates for the administration of crime surveys to organise local priorities in respect to crime and disorder. The English tradition of high levels of discretion and decentralisation of the police service also fit a community-oriented policing style. Community policing is also in operation, albeit sometimes seemingly in disguise, in Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands. When introduced in western societies it often means that a shift is made towards either more local efforts on crime prevention, a reprioritisation of non-emergency services, increased public accountability or a decentralisation of decision-making on policing (Skolnick and Bayley 1988). Police officers seem to have a great deal of respect in Japan, and koban officers are generally proud of their neighbourhood and the work they do. Needless to say, in many countries around the globe this is not quite the case. Lack of trust between police and citizens will make effective community policing almost impossible. For example following Scarman report (Scarman 1981) on Brixton riots, it focused attention on the needs for the police to develop closer engagements with members of the communities that they served. This led to the sense police were disconnected from the community and as a consequence they lacked the legitimacy required to police by consent. Undeniably Bennett describes community policing as its most basic, a greater working partnership between the police and the public (Bennett 1994: 224). Community police calls for much more decentralisation in the UKs policing system like US which has over 20,000 policing agencies throughout the country (Casey 2010) which is s imilar to the Japanese policing structure where police officers are seen as state servants. After the World War two, the US authorities initiated wide changes in Japan in rebuilding its police systems as a decentralized democratic body to impose a local system of policing from its invasive neighbourhood function. Neighbourhood policing has become the latest model of community policing in the UK, whilst community policing has been a prevalent model in the USA it hasnt been as noteworthy in the UK. Nevertheless during the early 2000s there was growing anxiety to the rise in the publics perception of crime. This eventually led to the development of the National Reassurance Policing Programme (NRPP) which developed a set of practical policing strategies that was orientated, largely, at reducing fear of crime midst the community. The Neighbourhood Policing model developed entirely out of the NRRP, and is undertaking with the extension of the policing family in order to provide each neighbourhood a local policing team that is both visible and accessible (Home Office 2008) much like the koban concept of community orientated policing in Japan where there are situated locally to help police the community. John Alderson (1979), a former chief constable argued that society was changing and that policing styles had to reflect this. Society was becoming free, permissive and participatory and authoritarian policing styles were no longer applicable (Alderson 1979: 376). His vision for the future of policing consisted of important aims that are still relevant in contemporary community policing styles for instance neighbourhood policing. In addition his suggestions placed emphasis on a more pro-active style of policing that works with the public in their communities again much like the koban concept of community oriented policing where they take a much more proactive role in taking a real interest to the local community needs of crime and disorder that is based upon active co-operation by preference to policing by consent. As for crime and community relations, at a time when policing in the UK and USA had drifted into more reactive and detached modes, the Japanese koban appeared to offer a model of community policing at its best and most effective. The Japanese Police Bureau was established in 1874 under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Japanese police were supposedly oppressive and even instituted a thought control operation to blot out any thinking contrary to overt support of the regime in power (Kanfman 1975: 17). After the Second World War, the US assisted Japan in rebuilding its police systems as a decentralized democratic body in an attempt to reduce the power of the police to impose a local system of policing. However these reforms were short lived and by 1954, Japan enacted a Police Law to restructure the police appropriate to cultural its needs (Hoffman 1982; Kanfman 1975) . By far the most well-known of the alternative models to the west is the koban structure of community policing in Japan. However, it contains a similar tradition of historical roots, of police integration with homogeneous communities of citizens, and of effectiveness. The Japanese koban offers a legitimate alternative to present day community policing in Western accounts. To serve local communities, the Japanese have local level substations, known as koban and chuzaisho, a residential police box in the rural areas. In the West the Police officers that would closely resemble the Japanese Chuzaisho officers are the sheriffs in the United States. The unit is typically a two-storey building, recognisable by the traditional red lamp. Koban officers normally do not drive around in patrol cars but are often on foot. This encourages frequent interactions with the community, where issues of crime are not the forefront, similarly with PCSOs in the UK who are highly visible in the communities pr edominantly on foot or cycle patrol. Yano (1989: 127) describes them as All day, policemen at the koban (police boxes) keep watch on the neighbourhood, answers questions, and help those who are in need of assistance. This provides a local presence that is missing in many western societies, although somewhat parallel to UKs concept of neighbourhood teams in the UK. The core purpose of PCSOs is to support Neighbourhood Policing teams in their neighbourhood thus spending the majority of their time within neighbourhoods (NPIA 2008) therefore dealing with community priorities and concerns, through community engagement and effective problem solving but not wholly reminiscent of the koban community orientated policing concept. Kobans form the first line of police response to the public and as such the scope of general assistance is wide. Koban officers may lend out umbrellas, may act as a lost and found office and often run various community activities e.g. distribution of local letters (Leishman 1999) to accepting a range of welfare and social service responsibilities. These officers attempt to become a part of the community, and their families often contribute in performing these jobs whilst in Britain, PCSOs, are uniformed support staffs that help officers tackle issues such as vandalism and antisocial behaviour. The police officers also administer surveys. Police officers conduct twice-yearly house-by-house district surveys on residents for various information e.g. names, occupations, ages, vehicle registration numbers etc. which has almost become a custom in the Japanese culture as its voluntary and rarely opposed. This type of community policing practiced in Japan would create a breach of civil liber ties in the Western community policing models The Koban and Chuzaisho system remains the foundation of Japans centralized police system. In contrast to community policing in western world three common characteristics exist between police box operations relative to the practices of Japanese corporations. In essence, Japanese community policing is meditative of Japanese culture whereas the Peelian model of crime-fighting, much adapted according to local national and cultural circumstances. The result historically was a patchwork of different police organizations concerned to enforce social order in communities from a local source. The theme of Japanese culture is groupism which interconnects the two key concepts of ie and mura. These two ideas cast Japan as one big family, in which each member is required to sacrifice their interest for the purpose of group welfare. Consistent with the concept of groupism, urban police boxes play a central role in carrying out police affairs as a team, relative to the Japanese community. Crime con trol is perceived to be a collective responsibility, a community matter, and not a function solely allocated to the local or state authorities like in the UK. Secondly, samurai heritage forms seniority, the basis of promotion. In the work place, i.e. police officers are promoted on the basis of seniority rather than ability in contrast to that of the UK. Thirdly, the career of a Japanese police officer is a lifetime commitment for both the officer and his family. Like all other professions in Japan, the job directs all other aspects of public and private life whereas in the UK police officers are required to retire after thirty years of service (Alarid Wang 1997). From the above it illustrates Japans is culturally very homogeneous as well as inclusive unlike the west. Apart from ethnic homogeneity, there is a supposed unity in social norms. Japanese culture places significant emphasis on the importance of harmony. Evidently, this is conducive to a community oriented policing style in Japan (Castberg 1990).

Does Anything Break Because it is Fragile? :: Philosophy Philosophers Essays

Does Anything Break Because it is Fragile? ABSTRACT: I maintain that dispositions are not causally relevant to their manifestations. The paper begins with a negative argument, which is intended to undermine David Lewis’ recent attempt to restore causal potency to dispositions by identifying their instantiations with the instantiations of their causal bases. I conclude that Lewis’ attempt to vindicate the causal credentials of dispositions meets obstacles that are analogous to (though importantly different from) those that beset Donald Davidson’s attempt to accord a causal role to the mental. I then consider an argument recently given by Frank Jackson against the causal relevance of dispositions (to their manifestations). Jackson’s argument relies on a conception of dispositions that is not likely to be shared by those who defend their causal relevance. I sketch an alternative conception of dispositions that links them more closely to their causal bases, but argue that even on this model disposition s are causally impotent. The paper closes with a defense of the claim that dispositions, in spite of their causal irrelevance to their manifestations, are nevertheless causal-explanatorily relevant to them. We regard dispositions as being causally responsible for their manifestations. We say that the glass broke because it was fragile, that the rubber band stretched because it is elastic, and that the arsenic killed him because it was lethal. Some philosophers have denied this. According to them, dispositions are causally irrelevant to the effects in terms of which they are defined. This view was defended by Elizabeth Prior, Robert Pargetter and Frank Jackson, and has been (tentatively) endorsed by David Lewis. According to them, fragility is the second-order property of having some or other first-order property (e.g., a given molecular structure) that tends to cause breaking under certain circumstances. But then, they infer, it is this first-order feature (the `causal basis' of the glass's fragility), and not fragility itself, that is responsible for causing the breaking. Fragility is thus conceptually after the fact as concerns the causation of breaking: the glass counts as being fragile only in consequence of its having some other, first-order property that is causally responsible for its breaking when struck. Lewis has always seemed uneasy with this view. He has called it a "disagreeable oddity" that must be dispatched if the identification of dispositions with second-order properties is to win our unequivocal support. In a recent paper, he takes himself to have done just that.

Capstone 9 Hsm260

Capstone 9 Usha Dillard April 17, 2013 HSM/260 Wanda Rainey-Reed I think it is very important especially if you want to improve the services that are being provided to the clients, no organization wants to have a loss, and every organization wants to have growth, especially when it deals with health sector. So having a proper financial management for the human service organization would give it an edge over other organization in Quality of Service and Net growth per year.Which I think that many HR people are not financially aware and this impacts their decisions, but by then having this knowledge it will give them a competitive advantage. Also as well rounded look at the finance’s which effect developing their personal awareness to operational issues and marketing issues. The knowledge of financial management is essential as the human service professional strives to create a tenable and largely acceptable model that serves the collective benefits of a group or a community that they are trying to reach.Each professional in the organization should have a grasp on budgetary allocations of different facets of societal work like social welfare policy analysis, human services management, community organization, health services etc. The human service professional must know if the funds allocated are judiciously spent on all the wings of the welfare activity. For this the human service professional should work in tandem with the policy makers to see the program is adequately funded and help them devise the plans and explain them the situation at grass root levels.The professional should also ensure that cost-cutting measures are implemented wherever applicable and identify areas that are either surplus/scarcely funded areas and intimate the same to program’s The human service professional decent knowledge in financial management helps them to be a better team player and helps chalk out a chart for better promotion of social welfare activities in their com munities.Example’s why needed: 1. The complexity of client problems appears to be growing, as are expectations that agencies will be accessible, accountable, and better able to document outcomes. 2. Funding limits constrain agency efforts to offer competitive salaries and to fully fund training programs for all staff and board members.

Analysis of Competition on the Book “Maus”

Competition in Maus The book Maus addresses the issue of the Holocaust and tells the story of Vladek in detail, a man who survived Auschwitz. However, one of the most striking things about the story is not the surviving issue, but how it reveals the relationship between Vladek and his son. Competition is everywhere in the story. In the first book Vladek had a competitive relationship with his son Artie, but throughout the story the competition falls into the hands of Artie and Richieu, the dead brother.Artie is constantly struggling with the broken relationship he has with his father. When talking to Pavel, Artie says: â€Å"No matter what I have accomplished, it doesn’t seem like much compared to surviving Aushwitz† (II, 45). Artie’s life experiences and those of his father are completely different and this difference seems to increase the distance between them. People have different stories and backgrounds, but their skills and greatness can’t be measure d by one individual event, such as the Holocaust.Due to this eternal competition imposed by his father, Artie's purpose for writing the book may have started in order to record family history, but this was a superficial cover attempting to overcome his deeper feelings of inferiority he felt while around his father. â€Å"He loved showing off how handy he was†¦ and proving that anything I did was all wrong. He made me completely neurotic about fixing stuff†¦ One reason I became an artist was that he thought it was impractical-just a waste of time†¦ It was an area where I wouldn’t have to compete with him† (I, 97).In fact, Artie did show his competence through writing the book and being able to portrait his dad’s story so well. A passage that demonstrates how Vladek always seems to be making Artie feel incompetent is when Vladek knocks over a his bottle of pills and blames it on Artie. â€Å"Look now what you made me do! † (I, 30). Even thoug h Vladek knows it was his own fault, he doesn’t want to admit it. Then Artie tells him â€Å"Okay, I’ll re-count them later†. 30), but Vladek replies saying that Artie doesn’t know how to count his pills and adds â€Å"I’m an expert for this† (30). These two quotes clearly show how Vladek is always trying to prove himself better than his son. Vladek never gives Artie the chance to prove that he is capable of doing anything and this increases the distance between father and son. Another example of Vladek's necessity for dominance is shown when he accidently breaks a plate and gets really upset. Artie tries to remedy the ituation and offers to do the dishes, but his father replies in his broken English, â€Å"No. You can defrost out the turkey legs†¦ you only would break me the rest of my plates† (II, 73). Vladek is always trying to give him easier jobs and won't admit that Artie is equally capable of anything because this would pu t a hole in his credibility. With credibility comes dominance, and without it he loses it. If he loses his dominance over Artie, this would free Artie from the comparison trap because he wouldn't feel inferior anymore.On the second book, Artie tells Francoise about Richieu and how his parents had always had a picture of the dead brother in their room, but never a picture of Artie. â€Å"The photo never threw tantrums or got in any kind of trouble†¦ it was an ideal kid, and I was a pain the ass. I couldn’t compete† (II, 15). Due to this eternal competition with Richieu, Artie was caught in a â€Å"competition trap† that he struggled with his whole life. This boxed Artie in. Because everything he did was compared to an unrepeatable experience, Artie could never break out of the competition trap.This trap would always hold him back. Artie lived in a new time with new opportunities, but he still couldn’t let go of this unspoken competition with his ghost brother. One of the most effective images in the novel was on the very last panel, when Vladek says â€Å"I'm tired from talking, Richieu, it's enough stories for now† (II 136). This scene illustrates the preference Vladek has for his first son, Richieu. In choosing this quote to be the last one in the book Artie displays that this competition with his brother has no end.The fact that Artie dedicated the book to Richieu is another display of this, that even though they never met, Vladek was able to bring Richieu alive in Artie's life. This passage also demonstrates how much Vladek still wishes Richieu was there with him. It is definitely painful for Artie to be called Richieu. In addition to this last quote, Artie also chose to dedicate the book to Richieu, Vladek and Richieu felt the direct pain of the holocaust, and as much as Artie tried he would only be able to experience its indirect effects, and this would never hold up in any comparison.Sibling rivalry built up in Art ie's veins, but as most siblings have ways to exchange this equally, Artie was in a unique situation. Not only could he never experience the things Richieu did, he could never exchange any emotions. Richieu was only a photo, and yet Vladek always unconsciously made sure Richieu’s life affected Artie. Artie was never going to be good enough for his father, or his ghost brother. He was stuck in a constant competition with someone no longer living. Writing Maus was what he did to relieve what was forced on him.Most books written about the holocaust are full of the direct effects, but his book took a new spin on the topic by focusing on the indirect effects. He would never stop competing with his brother. This is evident up to the last quote of the story when Vladek calls Artie by his dead brother’s name, which just goes to show that Artie is still upset by this competition. Work Cited: Spiegelman, Art. Maus: A Survivor's Tale, I : My Father Bleeds History. New York: Panth eon, 1986. Spiegelman, Art. Maus: A Survivor's Tale, II : And Here my Troubles Began. New York: Pantheon, 1986.